@article{
 title = {The Activation of Populist Attitudes},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Chile,Greece,populism,populist attitudes,vote choice},
 pages = {283-307},
 volume = {55},
 websites = {https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0017257X18000234/type/journal_article,https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2018.23},
 month = {9},
 publisher = {Cambridge University Press},
 day = {13},
 id = {c482bf8d-b474-3689-85c9-a90f4fb16674},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.413Z},
 accessed = {2018-09-16},
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 last_modified = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.413Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Hawkins2018a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hawkins, Kirk A. and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristóbal and Andreadis, Ioannis},
 journal = {Government and Opposition},
 number = {2}
}

Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.

@article{
 title = {The effects of populism as a social identity frame on persuasion and mobilisation: Evidence from a 15‐country experiment},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {experiment,political psychology,populism,relative deprivation,social identity framing},
 pages = {3-24},
 volume = {59},
 websites = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12334},
 month = {2},
 publisher = {John Wiley & Sons, Ltd (10.1111)},
 day = {7},
 id = {917d7e57-800e-3926-9d03-a54ae91ab962},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.521Z},
 accessed = {2019-05-08},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {21921aa9-08a7-32ff-90bd-5fb81ca527b0},
 last_modified = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.521Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Bos, Linda and Schemer, Christian and Corbu, Nicoleta and Hameleers, Michael and Andreadis, Ioannis and Schulz, Anne and Schmuck, Desirée and Reinemann, Carsten and Fawzi, Nayla},
 journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
 number = {1}
}

@article{
 title = {The Impact of Splitting a Long Online Questionnaire on Data Quality},
 type = {article},
 year = {2020},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {data quality,drop,long questionnaire,out,response rates,web surveys},
 pages = {31-42},
 volume = {14},
 month = {4},
 day = {10},
 id = {bbaa5bd0-315f-3b50-b433-b9f7598ed547},
 created = {2020-04-25T08:25:17.162Z},
 accessed = {2020-04-17},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {21921aa9-08a7-32ff-90bd-5fb81ca527b0},
 last_modified = {2020-04-25T08:25:17.162Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
 journal = {Survey Research Methods},
 number = {1}
}

Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.

@inBook{
 title = {Attitudinal and Behavioral Responses to Populist Communication},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2019},
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 pages = {207-232},
 websites = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/303039/files/CommPop_Attitudinal_Behavioral_Responses.pdf},
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 abstract = {This chapter investigates effects of populist message cues on populist attitudes and voting intentions. After giving a general overview about populist attitudes and the propensity to vote for populist parties in the 15 participating countries, the chapter turns to a set of effects analyses. Effects on populist attitudes were also small, but the analysis is at least able to show that people-centrism, anti-immigrant, and left-wing anti-outgroup cues had the potential to change certain dimensions of populist attitudes (people-centrism, anti-wealthy attitudes). In addition, effects on voting intentions became apparent in at least five countries (Greece, Norway, Romania, Sweden, and Switzerland). Generally, the chapter shows that effects are very context-specific, with certain populist messages being completely ineffective in some countries, while resonating with audiences in others. In addition, depending on the national contexts, the same kinds of populist cues might benefit different kinds of populist parties.},
 bibtype = {inBook},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Cremonesi, Cristina and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Kasprowicz, Dominika and Hess, Agnieszka},
 book = {Communicating Populism}
}

This chapter investigates effects of populist message cues on populist attitudes and voting intentions. After giving a general overview about populist attitudes and the propensity to vote for populist parties in the 15 participating countries, the chapter turns to a set of effects analyses. Effects on populist attitudes were also small, but the analysis is at least able to show that people-centrism, anti-immigrant, and left-wing anti-outgroup cues had the potential to change certain dimensions of populist attitudes (people-centrism, anti-wealthy attitudes). In addition, effects on voting intentions became apparent in at least five countries (Greece, Norway, Romania, Sweden, and Switzerland). Generally, the chapter shows that effects are very context-specific, with certain populist messages being completely ineffective in some countries, while resonating with audiences in others. In addition, depending on the national contexts, the same kinds of populist cues might benefit different kinds of populist parties.

@inBook{
 title = {Conditional populist voting in Chile, Greece, Spain, and Bolivia},
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 year = {2019},
 pages = {238-278},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/TIAP-Chapter10.pdf},
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 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Hawkins, Kirk A. and Llamazares, Ivan and Singer, Matthew M.},
 book = {The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis}
}

@inBook{
 title = {Public Opinion Surveys: a New Scale},
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 year = {2019},
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 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/TIAP-Chapter7.pdf},
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 citation_key = {CastanhoSilva2017},
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 author = {Castanho Silva, Bruno and Andreadis, Ioannis and Anduiza, Eva and Blanuša, Nebojša and Corti, Yazmin Morlet and Delfino, Gisela and Rico, Guillem and Ruth, Saskia P. and Spruyt, Bram and Steenbergen, Marco and Littvay, Levente},
 book = {The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis}
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@inBook{
 title = {Elite Surveys},
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 year = {2019},
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 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
 book = {The Ideational Approach to Populism: Concept, Theory, and Analysis}
}

@inBook{
 title = {Investigating the Effects of Populist Communication},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {168-182},
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 author = {Hameleers, Michael and Andreadis, Ioannis and Reinemann, Carsten},
 book = {Communicating Populism}
}

@article{
 title = {Dynamics of Polarization in the Greek Case},
 type = {article},
 year = {2019},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Europe,Greece,crisis,polarization,populism},
 pages = {157-172},
 volume = {681},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/0002716218817723},
 month = {1},
 publisher = {SAGE Publications Inc.},
 day = {20},
 id = {37cbab7b-2cf8-3e2e-a8d7-2480206d6c33},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.623Z},
 accessed = {2020-03-12},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {21921aa9-08a7-32ff-90bd-5fb81ca527b0},
 last_modified = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.623Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
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 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
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 abstract = {This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
 journal = {The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
 number = {1}
}

This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.

@article{
 title = {Start Spreading the News: A Comparative Experiment on the Effects of Populist Communication on Political Engagement in Sixteen European Countries},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {experimental research,internationally comparative research,political engagement,populism,populist communication,social identity framing},
 pages = {517-538},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/10.1177/1940161218786786},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {SAGE PublicationsSage CA: Los Angeles, CA},
 day = {2},
 id = {c13cba00-b209-3016-a9a6-bf2a85c4410e},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.801Z},
 accessed = {2018-09-17},
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 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist...},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Hameleers, Michael and Bos, Linda and Fawzi, Nayla and Reinemann, Carsten and Andreadis, Ioannis and Corbu, Nicoleta and Schemer, Christian and Schulz, Anne and Shaefer, Tamir and Aalberg, Toril and Axelsson, Sofia and Berganza, Rosa and Cremonesi, Cristina and Dahlberg, Stefan and de Vreese, Claes H. and Hess, Agnieszka and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Kasprowicz, Dominika and Matthes, Joerg and Negrea-Busuioc, Elena and Ringdal, Signe and Salgado, Susana and Sanders, Karen and Schmuck, Desirée and Strömbäck, J. and Suiter, Jane and Boomgaarden, Hajo and Tenenboim-Weinblatt, Keren and Weiss-Yaniv, Naama},
 journal = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
 number = {4}
}

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist...

@unpublished{
 title = {Measuring Authoritarian Populism with Expert Surveys Extending CHES estimates on populism and authoritarianism},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2018},
 pages = {38},
 websites = {https://www.electoralintegrityproject.com/s/Measuring-Authoritarian-Populism-Expert-Surveys-28-5-2018.pdf},
 city = {Sydney},
 institution = {University of Sydney},
 series = {Electoral Integrity Project (EIP) Seminar Series},
 revision = {29-5-2018},
 id = {15adf93d-c83b-3ecc-a4ed-a94c2aa272d9},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.970Z},
 file_attached = {false},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {For many years, scholars working on populism have dedicated most of their resources studying the supply side of populism and most studies on populism were based on the application of text analysis methods on party manifestos and speeches by party leaders. Only recently, we have seen methods that try to cover both the supply and the demand side of populism by including batteries of items in survey questionnaires suitable for various target groups (voters, candidates and experts). One of these surveys is the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) which uses the opinion of experts on the positioning of political parties in many countries in Europe. The limitations of CHES are i) the limited scope of the study (covering Europe only), and ii) the CHES questionnaires include only a limited number of questions directly connected to populism and authoritarianism. Finally, for the studies comparing CHES data with data from other surveys, we need to explore the possible implications of the fact that the CHES questions have different structure and wording from the questions used in voter and candidate surveys. To deal with the first CHES limitation, this paper aims to present the findings of the application of a shortened version of the most recent CHES questionnaire in selected countries in different regions of the world 2. The first findings indicate that extending CHES in other regions of the world is feasible and can be extremely fruitful, but it seems that not all dimensions included in the CHES questionnaire can travel equally well in other countries. To deal with the second CHES limitation and to study the possible implications of the different question structures and wordings, this paper presents the findings of a pilot study. The questionnaire of the pilot study includes both CHES and selected items that have already been used in voter and elite surveys. Based on the findings of the pilot study, the paper provides guidelines on what scholars should do when they want to compare the position of the voters of a party (extracted by voter surveys) with the position of the same party extracted by CHES.},
 bibtype = {unpublished},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis}
}

For many years, scholars working on populism have dedicated most of their resources studying the supply side of populism and most studies on populism were based on the application of text analysis methods on party manifestos and speeches by party leaders. Only recently, we have seen methods that try to cover both the supply and the demand side of populism by including batteries of items in survey questionnaires suitable for various target groups (voters, candidates and experts). One of these surveys is the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) which uses the opinion of experts on the positioning of political parties in many countries in Europe. The limitations of CHES are i) the limited scope of the study (covering Europe only), and ii) the CHES questionnaires include only a limited number of questions directly connected to populism and authoritarianism. Finally, for the studies comparing CHES data with data from other surveys, we need to explore the possible implications of the fact that the CHES questions have different structure and wording from the questions used in voter and candidate surveys. To deal with the first CHES limitation, this paper aims to present the findings of the application of a shortened version of the most recent CHES questionnaire in selected countries in different regions of the world 2. The first findings indicate that extending CHES in other regions of the world is feasible and can be extremely fruitful, but it seems that not all dimensions included in the CHES questionnaire can travel equally well in other countries. To deal with the second CHES limitation and to study the possible implications of the different question structures and wordings, this paper presents the findings of a pilot study. The questionnaire of the pilot study includes both CHES and selected items that have already been used in voter and elite surveys. Based on the findings of the pilot study, the paper provides guidelines on what scholars should do when they want to compare the position of the voters of a party (extracted by voter surveys) with the position of the same party extracted by CHES.

@article{
 title = {Populism from Below: Socio-economic and Ideological Correlates of Mass Attitudes in Greece},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Public opinion,anti-establishment politics,economic crisis,left-wing populism,populist attitudes,right-wing populism},
 pages = {429-450},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13608746.2018.1510635},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {2},
 id = {2fab87a3-00e7-3967-b234-26b7adb7fbe2},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.341Z},
 accessed = {2019-02-18},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
 group_id = {21921aa9-08a7-32ff-90bd-5fb81ca527b0},
 last_modified = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.341Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {ABSTRACTThe paper offers a first-time investigation of populism at the mass level in Greece. Its objectives are to examine the socio-economic factors which facilitate the adoption of populist world views and to identify the ideological correlates of populism. Findings reveal that the strongest socio-economic predictors are (low levels of) household income and education. Populist attitudes are more pronounced among left-wing citizens and strongly associated with euroscepticism and opposition to economic liberalism. However, the relationship of populism with anti-immigrant and anti-democratic attitudes appears to be mediated by left–right ideology, thus providing evidence that mass-level populism in Greece comes in both left-inclusionary and right-exclusionary varieties.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Tsatsanis, Emmanouil and Andreadis, Ioannis and Teperoglou, Eftichia},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

ABSTRACTThe paper offers a first-time investigation of populism at the mass level in Greece. Its objectives are to examine the socio-economic factors which facilitate the adoption of populist world views and to identify the ideological correlates of populism. Findings reveal that the strongest socio-economic predictors are (low levels of) household income and education. Populist attitudes are more pronounced among left-wing citizens and strongly associated with euroscepticism and opposition to economic liberalism. However, the relationship of populism with anti-immigrant and anti-democratic attitudes appears to be mediated by left–right ideology, thus providing evidence that mass-level populism in Greece comes in both left-inclusionary and right-exclusionary varieties.

@article{
 title = {Validating and Improving Voting Advice Applications: Estimating Party Positions Using Candidate Surveys},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {135-160},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml,http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.2018.9.issue-2/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
 month = {3},
 publisher = {De Gruyter},
 day = {9},
 id = {2bd24f33-94aa-320e-a05e-6bc99862b5bb},
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 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2018a},
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 abstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
 journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
 number = {2}
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@article{
 title = {Populism, Ethnic Nationalism and Xenophobia},
 type = {article},
 year = {2018},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {11-40},
 volume = {37},
 websites = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/sas/article/view/14712},
 month = {5},
 publisher = {National Documentation Centre},
 day = {10},
 id = {1630f6bf-2a88-3656-8c56-32479de64027},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.546Z},
 accessed = {2019-11-11},
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 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {false},
 hidden = {false},
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 abstract = {In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Demertzis, Nicolas},
 journal = {Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας}
}

In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.

@misc{
 title = {Weighted Mokken Scale Analysis in R},
 type = {misc},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {MSA,Mokken Scale Analysis,Weights},
 websites = {https://zenodo.org/record/557086},
 id = {96060ec8-fac9-345d-88af-4f1754758df5},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
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 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadisa},
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 bibtype = {misc},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis}
}

@book{
 title = {Political Representation in Times of Bailout},
 type = {book},
 year = {2017},
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}

@article{
 title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary Greek context},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Candidates,Greece,discourse,populism,surveys},
 pages = {446-464},
 volume = {18},
 websites = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
 month = {11},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {29},
 id = {756230c0-a903-36ee-9f8e-2ceceb37dc09},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.368Z},
 accessed = {2018-01-16},
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 read = {true},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Stavrakakis2017},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
 journal = {European Politics and Society},
 number = {4}
}

ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@article{
 title = {European Populist Parties in Government: How Well are Voters Represented? Evidence from Greece},
 type = {article},
 year = {2017},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Congruence,Greece,Populism,Representation,Voting behavior},
 pages = {485-508},
 volume = {23},
 websites = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
 month = {6},
 day = {7},
 id = {b1d9446a-a075-35a4-bc3d-06a90f151182},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.576Z},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2017a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
 journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
 number = {4}
}

© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

@inBook{
 title = {Greece: Populism Between Left and Right},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2016},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {195-206},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/Greece.pdf},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 chapter = {15},
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 citation_key = {Papathanassopoulos2017},
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 bibtype = {inBook},
 author = {Papathanassopoulos, S. and Giannouli, I. and Andreadis, Ioannis},
 book = {Populist political communication in Europe}
}

@techreport{
 title = {The Greek Candidate Study 2015},
 type = {techreport},
 year = {2016},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 websites = {https://doi.org/10.3886/E100074V22-22969},
 city = {Ann Arbor, MI},
 institution = {Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Re-search},
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 citation_key = {Andreadis2016a},
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@inBook{
 title = {Comparison of Response Times between Desktop and Smartphone Users},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2015},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {63-79},
 websites = {http://www.ubiquitypress.com/site/chapters/10.5334/bar.e/},
 month = {9},
 publisher = {Ubiquity Press},
 day = {25},
 city = {London},
 editors = {[object Object],[object Object],[object Object]},
 id = {bb30fd23-66e8-3447-a397-ccbf3e6f6098},
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 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2015h},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {Item Response Times - Web surveys},
 bibtype = {inBook},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
 book = {Mobile Research Methods: Opportunities and challenges of mobile research methodologies}
}

Item Response Times - Web surveys

@unpublished{
 title = {Innovation, an answer to lack of funding: The 2015 Hellenic National Election Voter Study},
 type = {unpublished},
 year = {2015},
 websites = {http://www.gpsg.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2015/12/Working_Paper_22.pdf},
 institution = {Greek Politics Specialist Group},
 series = {Working Papers},
 revision = {WP22},
 id = {64713ebb-e414-3fb0-a59c-019a4025d52a},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.870Z},
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 citation_key = {Andreadis2015},
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 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Chatzimallis, Ch.}
}

@article{
 title = {Web surveys optimized for smartphones: Are there differences between computer and smartphone users?},
 type = {article},
 year = {2015},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {AJAX navigation,data quality,item response times,mobile surveys,smartphones,web surveys},
 pages = {213-228},
 volume = {9},
 websites = {http://www.gesis.org/fileadmin/upload/forschung/publikationen/zeitschriften/mda/Vol.9_Heft_2/MDA_Vol9_2015-2.pdf#page=63,http://mda.gesis.org/index.php/mda/article/view/2015.012},
 month = {12},
 day = {1},
 id = {4d1d65e0-d70a-3944-80a0-17c0dfbb28b0},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.312Z},
 accessed = {2017-06-23},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2015c},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
 journal = {Methods, Data, Analysis},
 number = {2}
}

This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.

@inBook{
 title = {Data Quality and Data Cleaning},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {VAA},
 pages = {79-91},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/VAA-Book-Ch6.pdf},
 publisher = {ECPR Press},
 chapter = {Data quali},
 editors = {[object Object],[object Object]},
 id = {938dbb95-e15c-3111-8e6c-a5da40430cde},
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 read = {true},
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 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Andreadis2014},
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 bibtype = {inBook},
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 book = {Matching Voters with Parties and Candidates. Voting Advice Applications in Comparative Perspective}
}

@inBook{
 title = {The impact of voting advice applications on vote choice},
 type = {inBook},
 year = {2014},
 pages = {115-128},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/The-Impact-of-VAAs-on-Vote-Choice.pdf},
 publisher = {ECPR},
 city = {Colchester},
 editors = {[object Object],[object Object]},
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 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Wall, Mathew},
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}

@article{
 title = {Elites' and Voters' Attitudes towards Austerity Policies and their Consequences in Greece and Portugal},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Austerity Policies,Bailouts,Economic Crisis,Greece,Political Representation,Portugal},
 pages = {457-476},
 volume = {19},
 websites = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
 month = {10},
 day = {2},
 id = {81aad44e-f7a7-3111-9c0c-3b86234a6126},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.674Z},
 accessed = {2017-03-17},
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 last_modified = {2020-03-17T21:15:25.674Z},
 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Teperoglou2014},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {© 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Freire, André and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, José Manuel},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.

@article{
 title = {Political Representation in Bailed-out Southern Europe: Greece and Portugal Compared},
 type = {article},
 year = {2014},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {Austerity Policies,Bailouts,Economic Crisis,Greece,Political Representation,Portugal},
 pages = {413-433},
 volume = {19},
 websites = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {Routledge},
 day = {2},
 id = {f501d056-b651-32f4-98ad-d25fc34adf83},
 created = {2020-03-17T21:15:26.226Z},
 accessed = {2017-03-17},
 file_attached = {false},
 profile_id = {af27cd4d-ff85-3d57-ad80-19336de53178},
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 read = {false},
 starred = {false},
 authored = {false},
 confirmed = {true},
 hidden = {false},
 citation_key = {Freire2014a},
 private_publication = {false},
 abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, José Manuel},
 journal = {South European Society and Politics},
 number = {4}
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@inProceedings{
 title = {Voting advice applications},
 type = {inProceedings},
 year = {2013},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 keywords = {AJAX,Civic education,Elections,JQuery mobile,Voting advice applications,ajax,civic education,elections,jQuery mobile,jquery mobile,voting advice applications},
 pages = {251},
 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/BCI-2013.pdf},
 publisher = {ACM Press},
 city = {New York, New York, USA},
 series = {ACM International Conference Proceeding Series},
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 citation_key = {Andreadis:2013:VAA:2490257.2490263},
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 abstract = {Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.},
 bibtype = {inProceedings},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
 booktitle = {Proceedings of the 6th Balkan Conference in Informatics on - BCI '13}
}

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.

@inProceedings{
 title = {To clean or not to clean? Improving the quality of VAA data},
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 year = {2012},
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@article{
 title = {Η δομή του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα : χαρτογράφηση των προτιμήσεων πολιτικής κομμάτων και ψηφοφόρων},
 type = {article},
 year = {2011},
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 keywords = {Ελλάς,κόμματα,πολιτικές ιδεολογίες},
 pages = {5},
 volume = {38},
 websites = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/hpsa/article/download/14524/13124},
 month = {10},
 publisher = {National Documentation Centre},
 day = {24},
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 abstract = {Το αντικείμενο της μελέτης συνοψίζεται σε μια ενδελεχή σκιαγράφηση του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα, με κεντρικό ερευνητικό ερώτημα τη διερεήνηση των ιδεολογικών προτιμήσεων και προτεραιοτήτων των πολιτικών κομμάτων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία. Συμπληρωματικά μελετώνται οι ιδεολογικές προτιμήσεις και του εκλογικού σώματος για το 2009. Η εμπειρική μελέτη βασίζεται στην αξιοποίηση της βάσης δεδομένων του Euromanifestos Project και του PIREDEU και της έρευνας του European Election Study 2009. Η ανάλυση των δεδομένων των ευρωπαϊκών μανιφέστων στοχεύει στην απεικόνιση σε κοινό δισδιάστατο χώρο των σχετικών αποστάσεων (ή της σχετικής εγγύτητας) μεταξύ συγκεκριμένων ιδεολογικών θεματικών κατηγοριών και πολιτικών κομμάτων. Αντίστοιχα, μέσω της ανάλυσης της έρευνας του εκλογικού σώματος αναδεικνύεται η δομή της «πολιτικής ζήτησης» του ελληνικού πολιτικού συστήματος.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Ανδρεάδης, Γιάννης and Τεπέρογλου, Ευτυχία and Τσατσάνης, Μάνος},
 journal = {Ελληνική Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής Επιστήμης}
}

Το αντικείμενο της μελέτης συνοψίζεται σε μια ενδελεχή σκιαγράφηση του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα, με κεντρικό ερευνητικό ερώτημα τη διερεήνηση των ιδεολογικών προτιμήσεων και προτεραιοτήτων των πολιτικών κομμάτων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία. Συμπληρωματικά μελετώνται οι ιδεολογικές προτιμήσεις και του εκλογικού σώματος για το 2009. Η εμπειρική μελέτη βασίζεται στην αξιοποίηση της βάσης δεδομένων του Euromanifestos Project και του PIREDEU και της έρευνας του European Election Study 2009. Η ανάλυση των δεδομένων των ευρωπαϊκών μανιφέστων στοχεύει στην απεικόνιση σε κοινό δισδιάστατο χώρο των σχετικών αποστάσεων (ή της σχετικής εγγύτητας) μεταξύ συγκεκριμένων ιδεολογικών θεματικών κατηγοριών και πολιτικών κομμάτων. Αντίστοιχα, μέσω της ανάλυσης της έρευνας του εκλογικού σώματος αναδεικνύεται η δομή της «πολιτικής ζήτησης» του ελληνικού πολιτικού συστήματος.

@article{
 title = {Μελέτη διαιρετικών τομών εκλογέων και υποψηφίων στο εθνικό και ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο: Συγκλίσεις και αποκλίσεις},
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 abstract = {Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να εξετάσει τις διαιρετικές τομές τοο θεωρητικού υποδείγματος των Lipset & Rokkan όσο και δύο άλλου τόπου διαιρέσεις που συγκροτούνται από τις τοποθετήσεις στον άξονα Αριστερά-Δεξιά (‘εθνικό δίπολο’) και στον αντίστοιχο του ευρωπαϊκού και αντιευρωπαϊκοό προσανατολισμού (ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο’). Η μελέτη εστιάζει στην Ελλάδα. με επίκεντρο τις εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις της περιόδου 2004 έως και 2007. Αρχικώς, αναλύεται το θεωρητικό υπόδειγμα των Lipset & Rokkan, καθώς και η συμβολή των νεότερων προσεγγίσεων. Στη συνέχεια, εξετάζονται οι ανωτέρω διαιρετικές τομές τόσο στους υποψήφιους βουλευτές της ΝΔ και του ΠΑΣΟΚ των βουλευτικών εκλογών του 2007, όσο και στο αντίστοιχο εκλογικό τους οώμα. Συμπληρωματικά, παρουσιάζονται και αποτελέσματα από τους ψηφοφόρους των μικρότερων κομμάτων. Τόσο ο εθνικός άξονας της αντίθεσης ‘Αριστερά-Δεξιά’, όσο και ο αντίστοιχος ευρωπαϊκός αποτυπώνουν ένα ενδιαφέρον πλαίσιο διαμόρφωσης πολιτικών αντιπαραθέσεων σε επίπεδο υποψηφίων και εκλογέων. Σημαντική διαιρετική τομή αναφύεται και από τη διερεόνηση της συχνότητας εκκλησιασμού. Η παρούσα 'διευρυμένη' προσέγγιση των διαιρετικών τομών πλαισιώνεται από πλούσιο ερευνητικό υλικό. Στην περίπτωση των υποψηφίων στηρίζεται στην επεξεργασία των δεδομένων της έρευνας υποψηφίων στο πλαίσιο του διεθνούς ερευνητικού προγράμματος Comparative Candidate Survey, ενώ στην περίπτωση των εκλογέων η ανάλυση στηρίζεται σε ποικίλες προεκλογικές και μετεκλογικές έρευνες. *},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Τεπέρογλου, Ευτυχία and Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
 journal = {Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας}
}

Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να εξετάσει τις διαιρετικές τομές τοο θεωρητικού υποδείγματος των Lipset & Rokkan όσο και δύο άλλου τόπου διαιρέσεις που συγκροτούνται από τις τοποθετήσεις στον άξονα Αριστερά-Δεξιά (‘εθνικό δίπολο’) και στον αντίστοιχο του ευρωπαϊκού και αντιευρωπαϊκοό προσανατολισμού (ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο’). Η μελέτη εστιάζει στην Ελλάδα. με επίκεντρο τις εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις της περιόδου 2004 έως και 2007. Αρχικώς, αναλύεται το θεωρητικό υπόδειγμα των Lipset & Rokkan, καθώς και η συμβολή των νεότερων προσεγγίσεων. Στη συνέχεια, εξετάζονται οι ανωτέρω διαιρετικές τομές τόσο στους υποψήφιους βουλευτές της ΝΔ και του ΠΑΣΟΚ των βουλευτικών εκλογών του 2007, όσο και στο αντίστοιχο εκλογικό τους οώμα. Συμπληρωματικά, παρουσιάζονται και αποτελέσματα από τους ψηφοφόρους των μικρότερων κομμάτων. Τόσο ο εθνικός άξονας της αντίθεσης ‘Αριστερά-Δεξιά’, όσο και ο αντίστοιχος ευρωπαϊκός αποτυπώνουν ένα ενδιαφέρον πλαίσιο διαμόρφωσης πολιτικών αντιπαραθέσεων σε επίπεδο υποψηφίων και εκλογέων. Σημαντική διαιρετική τομή αναφύεται και από τη διερεόνηση της συχνότητας εκκλησιασμού. Η παρούσα 'διευρυμένη' προσέγγιση των διαιρετικών τομών πλαισιώνεται από πλούσιο ερευνητικό υλικό. Στην περίπτωση των υποψηφίων στηρίζεται στην επεξεργασία των δεδομένων της έρευνας υποψηφίων στο πλαίσιο του διεθνούς ερευνητικού προγράμματος Comparative Candidate Survey, ενώ στην περίπτωση των εκλογέων η ανάλυση στηρίζεται σε ποικίλες προεκλογικές και μετεκλογικές έρευνες. *

@inProceedings{
 title = {Διαδικτυακές Πολιτικές Έρευνες},
 type = {inProceedings},
 year = {2010},
 pages = {44-51},
 websites = {http://ikee.lib.auth.gr/record/126916/files/Web-based-surveys.pdf},
 city = {Αθήνα},
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 abstract = {The development of Internet technological tools offers the opportunity to conduct rapid and cost-effective, social and political web-based surveys. The response rate observed in web surveys is comparable to the response rates observed in studies using other methods of data collection. Any problems arising in web surveys concerning the representativeness of the sample can be addressed by weighting and matching techniques. This paper is an attempt to present findings of the "Comparative Candidate Survey" project conducted in Greece in 2009 exclusively through the Internet. This paper also includes data supporting the hypothesis that the web-based survey findings do not differ significantly from the findings of surveys conducted through telephone interviews.},
 bibtype = {inProceedings},
 author = {Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
 booktitle = {Πρακτικά 23ου Πανελληνίου Συνεδρίου Στατιστικής}
}

The development of Internet technological tools offers the opportunity to conduct rapid and cost-effective, social and political web-based surveys. The response rate observed in web surveys is comparable to the response rates observed in studies using other methods of data collection. Any problems arising in web surveys concerning the representativeness of the sample can be addressed by weighting and matching techniques. This paper is an attempt to present findings of the "Comparative Candidate Survey" project conducted in Greece in 2009 exclusively through the Internet. This paper also includes data supporting the hypothesis that the web-based survey findings do not differ significantly from the findings of surveys conducted through telephone interviews.

@article{
 title = {A Method for the Estimation of Voter Transition Rates},
 type = {article},
 year = {2009},
 identifiers = {[object Object]},
 pages = {203-218},
 volume = {19},
 websites = {http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/17457280902799089},
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 abstract = {Recent advances in the field of ecological inference have provided researchers with new tools to estimate voter transition rates in two-party systems, based on contingency tables. Although some researchers have moved from the 2×2 case to the broader R×C ecological inference problem, voter transition estimation remains a difficult and tedious goal. As a result, scholars of multiparty systems still struggle with their data. In this paper we follow a new approach and we propose a new method that deals with this issue. Using two data sets, one from the French presidential elections in 2007 (first and second round) and one from the Greek parliamentary elections (2004 and 2007), we demonstrate that the proposed method provides good estimates of voter transition rates.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Chadjipadelis, Theodore},
 journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties},
 number = {2}
}

Recent advances in the field of ecological inference have provided researchers with new tools to estimate voter transition rates in two-party systems, based on contingency tables. Although some researchers have moved from the 2×2 case to the broader R×C ecological inference problem, voter transition estimation remains a difficult and tedious goal. As a result, scholars of multiparty systems still struggle with their data. In this paper we follow a new approach and we propose a new method that deals with this issue. Using two data sets, one from the French presidential elections in 2007 (first and second round) and one from the Greek parliamentary elections (2004 and 2007), we demonstrate that the proposed method provides good estimates of voter transition rates.

@article{
 title = {Κόμματα, Πρόσωπα, Θέματα: Ανάλυση των δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας. Απρίλιος 2005},
 type = {article},
 year = {2007},
 pages = {171-184},
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 websites = {http://www.polres.gr/en/sites/default/files/Data-Analysis-Bulletin-2007.pdf},
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 abstract = {[Parties, Candidates, Issues: Data analysis of the April 2005 survey sample] Data Analysis Bulletin 7 (2007) 171-184. Παρουσιάζεται ανάλυση δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας και διερευνάται η θέση των πολιτών της Θεσσαλονίκης απέναντι στα κόμματα, σε πολιτικά πρόσωπα και πολιτικά θέματα της επικαιρότητας του Απριλίου 2005.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
 journal = {Τετράδια Ανάλυσης Δεδομένων}
}

[Parties, Candidates, Issues: Data analysis of the April 2005 survey sample] Data Analysis Bulletin 7 (2007) 171-184. Παρουσιάζεται ανάλυση δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας και διερευνάται η θέση των πολιτών της Θεσσαλονίκης απέναντι στα κόμματα, σε πολιτικά πρόσωπα και πολιτικά θέματα της επικαιρότητας του Απριλίου 2005.

@inProceedings{
 title = {Analysis of the Cyprus Referendum on the Annan Plan},
 type = {inProceedings},
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 booktitle = {57th Political Studies Association Annual Conference ‘Europe and Global Politics’}
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@article{
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 abstract = {Στόχος της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η ανάλυση των μετακινήσεων των ψηφοφόρων προς την Ένωση Κέντρου που οδήγησαν, από τη συντριβή των κεντρώων δυνάμεων στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1958, στο θρίαμβό της στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1964. Δεδομένης της ανυπαρξίας δημοσκοπήσεων, οι αναζητούμενες εκτιμήσεις μπορούν να αντληθούν από τα ίδια τα αποτελέσματα των βουλευτικών εκλογών με τη συνδρομή τεχνικών «οικολογικής ανάλυσης», δηλαδή τεχνικών που αποσκοπούν στην ανασύνθεση της ατομικής συμπεριφοράς από ομαδοποιημένα δεδομένα. Οι δραμτικές εξελίξεις στο ερευνητικό πεδίο της οικολογικής ανάλυσης την τελευταία δεκαετία δίνουν τη δυνατότητα αξιόπιστων εκτιμήσεων και συμπερασμάτων. Με τα διαθέσιμα εργαλεία και χρησιμοποιώντας τα αποτελέσματα των εκλογών οι σύγχρονοι ερευνητές έχουν τη δυνατότητα να εκτιμήσουν τις μετακινήσεις των ψηφοφόρων τόσο σε εθνικό επίπεδο όσο και σε επίπεδο εκλογικών περιφερειών. Από την ανάλυση προκύπτει ότι η Ένωση Κέντρου κατόρθωσε σε δύο συνεχόμενες εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις να διεμβολίσει το κυρίαρχο δίπολο ΕΡΕ-ΕΔΑ που είχε προκόψει μετά τις εκλογές του 1958. Στις εκλογές του 1963 μόνο έξι στους δέκα ψηφοφόρους της Ε.Κ. προερχόταν από τον ευρύτερο κεντρώο χώρο. Τα αποτελέσματα του 1964 καταδεικνύουν ότι η Ε.Κ., όχι μόνο κατόρθωσε να συγκροτήσει τα κέρδη που απέκτησε το 1963, αλλά διεύρυνε επιπλέον τη ν επιρροή της στους χώρους των αντίπαλων παρατάξεων.},
 bibtype = {article},
 author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Γιάννης},
 journal = {Ελληνική Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής Επιστήμης},
 number = {1}
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Στόχος της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η ανάλυση των μετακινήσεων των ψηφοφόρων προς την Ένωση Κέντρου που οδήγησαν, από τη συντριβή των κεντρώων δυνάμεων στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1958, στο θρίαμβό της στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1964. Δεδομένης της ανυπαρξίας δημοσκοπήσεων, οι αναζητούμενες εκτιμήσεις μπορούν να αντληθούν από τα ίδια τα αποτελέσματα των βουλευτικών εκλογών με τη συνδρομή τεχνικών «οικολογικής ανάλυσης», δηλαδή τεχνικών που αποσκοπούν στην ανασύνθεση της ατομικής συμπεριφοράς από ομαδοποιημένα δεδομένα. Οι δραμτικές εξελίξεις στο ερευνητικό πεδίο της οικολογικής ανάλυσης την τελευταία δεκαετία δίνουν τη δυνατότητα αξιόπιστων εκτιμήσεων και συμπερασμάτων. Με τα διαθέσιμα εργαλεία και χρησιμοποιώντας τα αποτελέσματα των εκλογών οι σύγχρονοι ερευνητές έχουν τη δυνατότητα να εκτιμήσουν τις μετακινήσεις των ψηφοφόρων τόσο σε εθνικό επίπεδο όσο και σε επίπεδο εκλογικών περιφερειών. Από την ανάλυση προκύπτει ότι η Ένωση Κέντρου κατόρθωσε σε δύο συνεχόμενες εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις να διεμβολίσει το κυρίαρχο δίπολο ΕΡΕ-ΕΔΑ που είχε προκόψει μετά τις εκλογές του 1958. Στις εκλογές του 1963 μόνο έξι στους δέκα ψηφοφόρους της Ε.Κ. προερχόταν από τον ευρύτερο κεντρώο χώρο. Τα αποτελέσματα του 1964 καταδεικνύουν ότι η Ε.Κ., όχι μόνο κατόρθωσε να συγκροτήσει τα κέρδη που απέκτησε το 1963, αλλά διεύρυνε επιπλέον τη ν επιρροή της στους χώρους των αντίπαλων παρατάξεων.

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