@incollection{freire_methodological_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {Methodological {Challenges} in the {Study} of {Political} {Elites}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/methodological-challenges-study-political-elites-andr%C3%A9-freire-xavier-coller-ioannis-andreadis-antonio-jaime-sofia-serra-silva-evangelia-kartsounidou/e/10.4324/9780429400414-7},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Freire, André and Coller, Xavier and Andreadis, Ioannis and Jaime, Antonio M. and Serra da Silva, Sofia and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
}

@incollection{teperoglou_study_2020,
	address = {London},
	title = {The {Study} of {Political} {Representation} in {Greece}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-0-367-02294-5},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/study-political-representation-greece-eftichia-teperoglou-ioannis-andreadis-theodore-chadjipadelis/e/10.4324/9780429400414-2?context=ubx&refId=07a928a1-a731-4c68-b747-fcc834edb344},
	booktitle = {Political {Representation} in {Southern} {Europe} and {Latin} {America} {Crisis} or {Continuing} {Transformation} following the {Great} {Recession}?},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Andreadis, Ioannis and Chatzipantelis, Theodore},
	editor = {Freire, André and Barragán, Mélany and Coller, Xavier and Lisi, Marco and Tsatsanis, Emmanouil},
	year = {2020},
}

@article{bos_effects_2020,
	title = {The effects of populism as a social identity frame on persuasion and mobilisation: {Evidence} from a 15‐country experiment},
	volume = {59},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {0304-4130},
	url = {https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/abs/10.1111/1475-6765.12334},
	doi = {10.1111/1475-6765.12334},
	abstract = {© 2019 The Authors. European Journal of Political Research published by John Wiley  \&  Sons Ltd on behalf of European Consortium for Political Research This article investigates the impact of populist messages on issue agreement and readiness for action in 15 countries (N = 7,286). Specifically, populist communicators rely on persuasive strategies by which social group cues become more salient and affect people's judgment of and political engagement with political issues. This strategy is called ‘populist identity framing’ because the ordinary people as the in-group is portrayed as being threatened by various out-groups. By blaming political elites for societal or economic problems harming ordinary people, populist communicators engage in anti-elitist identity framing. Another strategy is to blame immigrants for social problems – that is, exclusionist identity framing. Finally, right-wing political actors combine both cues and depict an even more threatening situation of the ordinary people as the in-group. Based on social identity theory, an experimental study in 15 European countries shows that most notably the anti-elitist identity frame has the potential to persuade voters. Additionally, relative deprivation makes recipients more susceptible to the mobilising impact of the populist identity frames.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2019-05-08},
	journal = {European Journal of Political Research},
	author = {Bos, Linda and Schemer, Christian and Corbu, Nicoleta and Hameleers, Michael and Andreadis, Ioannis and Schulz, Anne and Schmuck, Desirée and Reinemann, Carsten and Fawzi, Nayla},
	month = feb,
	year = {2020},
	note = {Publisher: John Wiley \& Sons, Ltd (10.1111)},
	keywords = {experiment, political psychology, populism, relative deprivation, social identity framing},
	pages = {3--24},
}

© 2019 The Authors. European Journal of Political Research published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of European Consortium for Political Research This article investigates the impact of populist messages on issue agreement and readiness for action in 15 countries (N = 7,286). Specifically, populist communicators rely on persuasive strategies by which social group cues become more salient and affect people's judgment of and political engagement with political issues. This strategy is called ‘populist identity framing’ because the ordinary people as the in-group is portrayed as being threatened by various out-groups. By blaming political elites for societal or economic problems harming ordinary people, populist communicators engage in anti-elitist identity framing. Another strategy is to blame immigrants for social problems – that is, exclusionist identity framing. Finally, right-wing political actors combine both cues and depict an even more threatening situation of the ordinary people as the in-group. Based on social identity theory, an experimental study in 15 European countries shows that most notably the anti-elitist identity frame has the potential to persuade voters. Additionally, relative deprivation makes recipients more susceptible to the mobilising impact of the populist identity frames.

@article{Andreadis,
	title = {The {Impact} of {Splitting} a {Long} {Online} {Questionnaire} on {Data} {Quality}},
	volume = {14},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1864-3361},
	url = {https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/srm/article/view/7294},
	doi = {10.18148/SRM/2020.V14I1.7294},
	abstract = {Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-04-17},
	journal = {Survey Research Methods},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia},
	month = apr,
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {data quality, drop, long questionnaire, out, response rates, web surveys},
	pages = {31--42},
}

Long self-administered questionnaires may suffer from lower response rates, higher drop-outs, and lower quality responses. A shorter questionnaire reduces the burden of respondents. Using this as a starting point, we test the following method: split the long questionnaire into sub-questionnaires; invite everyone to answer the first sub-questionnaire; when respondents complete the first sub-questionnaire, invite them to answer the second sub-questionnaire, and so on. We present evidence that after splitting a long questionnaire into two shorter parts, the response rates of these sub-questionnaires are significantly higher than the response rate of the original, undivided, long questionnaire. However, the cumulative response rate of both parts is lower than the response rate of the long undivided questionnaire. Finally, we show that the respondents of the survey using the original, long questionnaire: i) provide more non-substantive answers (“neither/nor”) to the Likert-type scale items and ii) give shorter answers to the open-ended questions of the survey than the respondents of the split survey. On the other hand, there is no significant difference between the long and the split questionnaire on the other indicators of response quality we have tested: item-nonresponse, speeding and straight-lining. This paper presents some first insights on splitting a long questionnaire into shorter parts. For now, the results are not promising to suggest with confidence to split the long questionnaire for the purpose of obtaining high data quality. Further research is needed to find the optimal interval time between the sub-questionnaires or the optimal length of the sub-questionnaires in which the overall response rate is maximized.

@article{hawkins_activation_2020,
	title = {The {Activation} of {Populist} {Attitudes}},
	volume = {55},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {14777053},
	doi = {10.1017/gov.2018.23},
	abstract = {Copyright © The Authors 2018. Published by Government and Opposition Limited and Cambridge University Press. Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Government and Opposition},
	author = {Hawkins, K.A. and Rovira Kaltwasser, C. and Andreadis, I.},
	year = {2020},
	keywords = {Chile, Greece, populism, populist attitudes, vote choice},
}

Copyright © The Authors 2018. Published by Government and Opposition Limited and Cambridge University Press. Most studies see demand for populist forces driven by broad sociological factors that make certain issues salient among specific constituencies. However, this argument is not normally tested at the individual level. We propose a theory of populist voting which argues that populist attitudes are themselves important predictors of voting, interacting with ideological positions. We test this theory through a comparison of recent voting in Chile and Greece, two countries where the contexts for activating populist attitudes are very different. We find that despite similar levels of populist attitudes across both countries, these attitudes explain much more of the vote in Greece than they do in Chile, and that in both countries they interact with ideological positions in predictable ways.

@article{andreadis_text_2020,
	title = {Text {Message} ({SMS}) {Pre}-notifications, {Invitations} and {Reminders} for {Web} {Surveys}},
	issn = {2296-4754},
	url = {https://surveyinsights.org/?p=13551},
	doi = {10.13094/SMIF-2020-00019},
	abstract = {This paper presents the findings derived from a mobile friendly web survey, during which all invitations and reminders were sent as text messages via short message service (SMS) to the mobile telephones of the target group. The web survey under study was conducted for the National Theatre of Northern Greece (NTNG), the largest theatrical organization of Greece. The list of mobile phone numbers was provided by the organization and the aim of the survey was to collect data from people who have attended events organized by NTNG. The paper examines the impact of various design study features such as pre-notifications, time and day of SMS delivery, lag between invitations and reminders on survey response. It is demonstrated that SMS pre-notifications can significantly improve response rates. The paper suggests that when the mobile phone numbers of the target group are available, it is feasible to conduct a large-scale web survey using SMS as the only contact mode.},
	language = {en-US},
	urldate = {2020-12-10},
	journal = {Survey Methods: Insights from the Field (SMIF)},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	month = dec,
	year = {2020},
}

This paper presents the findings derived from a mobile friendly web survey, during which all invitations and reminders were sent as text messages via short message service (SMS) to the mobile telephones of the target group. The web survey under study was conducted for the National Theatre of Northern Greece (NTNG), the largest theatrical organization of Greece. The list of mobile phone numbers was provided by the organization and the aim of the survey was to collect data from people who have attended events organized by NTNG. The paper examines the impact of various design study features such as pre-notifications, time and day of SMS delivery, lag between invitations and reminders on survey response. It is demonstrated that SMS pre-notifications can significantly improve response rates. The paper suggests that when the mobile phone numbers of the target group are available, it is feasible to conduct a large-scale web survey using SMS as the only contact mode.

@incollection{Hameleers2019,
	title = {Investigating the effects of populist communication},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/investigating-effects-populist-communication-michael-hameleers-ioannis-andreadis-carsten-reinemann/10.4324/9780429402067-9},
	abstract = {This chapter describes the method of a 15-country, comparative online experiment (2*3 design + 2 control groups) carried out in Austria, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Israel, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the UK. Most importantly, it examines the decisions made in relation to the experimental design. The experiment defined populism as a discursive social identity frame, extending previous conceptualizations of populist communication by offering a comprehensive manipulation of populist ideas on the left and right wing. The chapter outlines the quality checks and analysis strategies employed to prepare and analyze the large dataset (N = 14,499). It provides background information on the sample, panel companies and quotas, and distribution. Finally, based on this, it makes methodological recommendations for future endeavors that aim to dissect the effects of (populist) communication on a diversified international electorate.},
	booktitle = {Communicating {Populism}},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Hameleers, Michael and Andreadis, Ioannis and Reinemann, Carsten},
	editor = {Reinemann, Carsten and Stanyer, James and Aalberg, Toril and Esser, Frank and de Vreese, Claes H.},
	month = mar,
	year = {2019},
	doi = {10.4324/9780429402067-9},
	pages = {168--182},
}

This chapter describes the method of a 15-country, comparative online experiment (2*3 design + 2 control groups) carried out in Austria, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Israel, Italy, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Romania, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, and the UK. Most importantly, it examines the decisions made in relation to the experimental design. The experiment defined populism as a discursive social identity frame, extending previous conceptualizations of populist communication by offering a comprehensive manipulation of populist ideas on the left and right wing. The chapter outlines the quality checks and analysis strategies employed to prepare and analyze the large dataset (N = 14,499). It provides background information on the sample, panel companies and quotas, and distribution. Finally, based on this, it makes methodological recommendations for future endeavors that aim to dissect the effects of (populist) communication on a diversified international electorate.

@incollection{andreadis_attitudinal_2019,
	title = {Attitudinal and {Behavioral} {Responses} to {Populist} {Communication}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	abstract = {This chapter investigates effects of populist message cues on populist attitudes and voting intentions. After giving a general overview about populist attitudes and the propensity to vote for populist parties in the 15 participating countries, the chapter turns to a set of effects analyses. Effects on populist attitudes were also small, but the analysis is at least able to show that people-centrism, anti-immigrant, and left-wing anti-outgroup cues had the potential to change certain dimensions of populist attitudes (people-centrism, anti-wealthy attitudes). In addition, effects on voting intentions became apparent in at least five countries (Greece, Norway, Romania, Sweden, and Switzerland). Generally, the chapter shows that effects are very context-specific, with certain populist messages being completely ineffective in some countries, while resonating with audiences in others. In addition, depending on the national contexts, the same kinds of populist cues might benefit different kinds of populist parties.},
	booktitle = {Communicating {Populism}},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Cremonesi, Cristina and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Kasprowicz, Dominika and Hess, Agnieszka},
	editor = {Reinemann, Carsten and Stanyer, James and Aalberg, Toril and Esser, Frank and de Vreese, Claes H.},
	month = mar,
	year = {2019},
	doi = {10.4324/9780429402067-11},
	pages = {207--232},
}

This chapter investigates effects of populist message cues on populist attitudes and voting intentions. After giving a general overview about populist attitudes and the propensity to vote for populist parties in the 15 participating countries, the chapter turns to a set of effects analyses. Effects on populist attitudes were also small, but the analysis is at least able to show that people-centrism, anti-immigrant, and left-wing anti-outgroup cues had the potential to change certain dimensions of populist attitudes (people-centrism, anti-wealthy attitudes). In addition, effects on voting intentions became apparent in at least five countries (Greece, Norway, Romania, Sweden, and Switzerland). Generally, the chapter shows that effects are very context-specific, with certain populist messages being completely ineffective in some countries, while resonating with audiences in others. In addition, depending on the national contexts, the same kinds of populist cues might benefit different kinds of populist parties.

@incollection{Andreadis2017,
	title = {Elite {Surveys}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Ruth, Saskia P.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {112--127},
}

@incollection{chapter10,
	title = {Conditional populist voting in {Chile}, {Greece}, {Spain}, and {Bolivia}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Hawkins, Kirk A. and Llamazares, Ivan and Singer, Matthew M.},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk A. and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {238--278},
}

@article{andreadis_dynamics_2019,
	title = {Dynamics of {Polarization} in the {Greek} {Case}},
	volume = {681},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {15523349},
	doi = {10.1177/0002716218817723},
	abstract = {© 2019 by The American Academy of Political and Social Science. This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.},
	number = {1},
	journal = {Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science},
	author = {Andreadis, I. and Stavrakakis, Y.},
	year = {2019},
	keywords = {Europe, Greece, crisis, polarization, populism},
}

© 2019 by The American Academy of Political and Social Science. This article focuses on the dynamics of polarization emerging within Greek political culture in the postauthoritarian setting. Following a brief historical framing, we trace Left–Right polarization between the two major parties of the period: Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND). The party-based polarization of PASOK/ND was arguably the main axis of political antagonism in Greece from the 1970s until the end of the 2000s. By 2009, polarization had ebbed due to an ideological convergence of the two parties toward the center, but the onset of the 2009 economic crisis dislocated the established two-party system and facilitated the emergence of a new political landscape comprising many new political actors, most notably the Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA. Using a predominantly quantitative methodology, we focus on a set of dimensions of polarization brought forward or re-activated within the context of economic crisis.

@incollection{CastanhoSilva2017,
	title = {Public {Opinion} {Surveys}: a {New} {Scale}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {The {Ideational} {Approach} to {Populism}: {Concept}, {Theory}, and {Analysis}},
	publisher = {Democracy and Extremism Series, Routledge},
	author = {Castanho Silva, Bruno and Andreadis, Ioannis and Anduiza, Eva and Blanuša, Nebojša and Corti, Yazmin Morlet and Delfino, Gisela and Rico, Guillem and Ruth, Saskia P. and Spruyt, Bram and Steenbergen, Marco and Littvay, Levente},
	editor = {Hawkins, Kirk and Carlin, Ryan and Littvay, Levente and Rovira Kaltwasser, Cristobal},
	year = {2019},
	pages = {128--149},
}

@article{hameleers_start_2018,
	title = {Start {Spreading} the {News}: {A} {Comparative} {Experiment} on the {Effects} of {Populist} {Communication} on {Political} {Engagement} in {Sixteen} {European} {Countries}},
	volume = {23},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1940-1612},
	shorttitle = {Start {Spreading} the {News}},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.1177/1940161218786786},
	doi = {10.1177/1940161218786786},
	abstract = {Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.},
	language = {en},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2021-01-26},
	journal = {The International Journal of Press/Politics},
	author = {Hameleers, Michael and Bos, Linda and Fawzi, Nayla and Reinemann, Carsten and Andreadis, Ioannis and Corbu, Nicoleta and Schemer, Christian and Schulz, Anne and Shaefer, Tamir and Aalberg, Toril and Axelsson, Sofia and Berganza, Rosa and Cremonesi, Cristina and Dahlberg, Stefan and de Vreese, Claes H. and Hess, Agnieszka and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Kasprowicz, Dominika and Matthes, Joerg and Negrea-Busuioc, Elena and Ringdal, Signe and Salgado, Susana and Sanders, Karen and Schmuck, Desirée and Stromback, Jesper and Suiter, Jane and Boomgaarden, Hajo and Tenenboim-Weinblatt, Keren and Weiss-Yaniv, Naama},
	month = oct,
	year = {2018},
	note = {ECC: 0000014 
Publisher: SAGE Publications Inc},
	keywords = {experimental research, internationally comparative research, political engagement, populism, populist communication, social identity framing},
	pages = {517--538},
}

Although populist communication has become pervasive throughout Europe, many important questions on its political consequences remain unanswered. First, previous research has neglected the differential effects of populist communication on the Left and Right. Second, internationally comparative studies are missing. Finally, previous research mostly studied attitudinal outcomes, neglecting behavioral effects. To address these key issues, this paper draws on a unique, extensive, and comparative experiment in sixteen European countries (N = 15,412) to test the effects of populist communication on political engagement. The findings show that anti-elitist populism has the strongest mobilizing effects, and anti-immigrant messages have the strongest demobilizing effects. Moreover, national conditions such as the level of unemployment and the electoral success of the populist Left and Right condition the impact of populist communication. These findings provide important insights into the persuasiveness of populist messages spread throughout the European continent.

@article{tsatsanis_populism_2018,
	title = {Populism from {Below}: {Socio}-economic and {Ideological} {Correlates} of {Mass} {Attitudes} in {Greece}},
	volume = {23},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/13608746.2018.1510635},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2018.1510635},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2019-02-18},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Tsatsanis, Emmanouil and Andreadis, Ioannis and Teperoglou, Eftichia},
	month = oct,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Public opinion, anti-establishment politics, economic crisis, left-wing populism, populist attitudes, right-wing populism},
	pages = {429--450},
}

@techreport{andreadis_measuring_2018,
	address = {Sydney},
	title = {Measuring {Authoritarian} {Populism} with {Expert} {Surveys} {Extending} {CHES} estimates on populism and authoritarianism},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	abstract = {For many years, scholars working on populism have dedicated most of their resources studying the supply side of populism and most studies on populism were based on the application of text analysis methods on party manifestos and speeches by party leaders. Only recently, we have seen methods that try to cover both the supply and the demand side of populism by including batteries of items in survey questionnaires suitable for various target groups (voters, candidates and experts). One of these surveys is the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) which uses the opinion of experts on the positioning of political parties in many countries in Europe. The limitations of CHES are i) the limited scope of the study (covering Europe only), and ii) the CHES questionnaires include only a limited number of questions directly connected to populism and authoritarianism. Finally, for the studies comparing CHES data with data from other surveys, we need to explore the possible implications of the fact that the CHES questions have different structure and wording from the questions used in voter and candidate surveys. To deal with the first CHES limitation, this paper aims to present the findings of the application of a shortened version of the most recent CHES questionnaire in selected countries in different regions of the world 2. The first findings indicate that extending CHES in other regions of the world is feasible and can be extremely fruitful, but it seems that not all dimensions included in the CHES questionnaire can travel equally well in other countries. To deal with the second CHES limitation and to study the possible implications of the different question structures and wordings, this paper presents the findings of a pilot study. The questionnaire of the pilot study includes both CHES and selected items that have already been used in voter and elite surveys. Based on the findings of the pilot study, the paper provides guidelines on what scholars should do when they want to compare the position of the voters of a party (extracted by voter surveys) with the position of the same party extracted by CHES.},
	institution = {University of Sydney},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2018},
	pages = {38},
}

For many years, scholars working on populism have dedicated most of their resources studying the supply side of populism and most studies on populism were based on the application of text analysis methods on party manifestos and speeches by party leaders. Only recently, we have seen methods that try to cover both the supply and the demand side of populism by including batteries of items in survey questionnaires suitable for various target groups (voters, candidates and experts). One of these surveys is the Chapel Hill Expert Survey (CHES) which uses the opinion of experts on the positioning of political parties in many countries in Europe. The limitations of CHES are i) the limited scope of the study (covering Europe only), and ii) the CHES questionnaires include only a limited number of questions directly connected to populism and authoritarianism. Finally, for the studies comparing CHES data with data from other surveys, we need to explore the possible implications of the fact that the CHES questions have different structure and wording from the questions used in voter and candidate surveys. To deal with the first CHES limitation, this paper aims to present the findings of the application of a shortened version of the most recent CHES questionnaire in selected countries in different regions of the world 2. The first findings indicate that extending CHES in other regions of the world is feasible and can be extremely fruitful, but it seems that not all dimensions included in the CHES questionnaire can travel equally well in other countries. To deal with the second CHES limitation and to study the possible implications of the different question structures and wordings, this paper presents the findings of a pilot study. The questionnaire of the pilot study includes both CHES and selected items that have already been used in voter and elite surveys. Based on the findings of the pilot study, the paper provides guidelines on what scholars should do when they want to compare the position of the voters of a party (extracted by voter surveys) with the position of the same party extracted by CHES.

@article{Andreadis2018a,
	title = {Validating and {Improving} {Voting} {Advice} {Applications}: {Estimating} {Party} {Positions} {Using} {Candidate} {Surveys}},
	volume = {9},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {2151-7509},
	url = {http://www.degruyter.com/view/j/spp.ahead-of-print/spp-2018-0012/spp-2018-0012.xml},
	doi = {10.1515/spp-2018-0012},
	abstract = {Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2019-03-12},
	journal = {Statistics, Politics and Policy},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Giebler, Heiko},
	month = dec,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: De Gruyter},
	pages = {135--160},
}

Locating political parties correctly regarding different policy issues is not just crucial for research on parties, party competition, and many similar fields but also for the electorate. For the latter, it has become more and more important as the relevance of voting advice applications (VAA) has increased and as their main usage is to compare citizens’ policy preferences to the offer of political parties. However, if party positions are not adequately assigned, citizens are provided with suboptimal information which decreases the citizens’ capacities to make rational electoral decision. VAA designers follow different approaches to determining party positions. In this paper, we look beyond most common sources like electoral manifestos and expert judgments by using surveys of electoral candidates to validate and improve VAAs. We argue that by using positions derived from candidate surveys we get the information by the source itself, but at the same time we overcome most of the disadvantages of the other methods. Using data for the 2014 European Parliament election both in Greece and Germany, we show that while positions taken from the VAAs and from the candidate surveys do match more often than not, we also find substantive differences and even opposing positions. Moreover, these occasional differences have already rather severe consequences looking at calculated overlaps between citizens and parties as well as representations of the political competition space and party system polarization. These differences seem to be more pronounced in Greece. We conclude that candidate surveys are indeed a valid additional source to validate and improve VAAs.

@article{Andreadis2018,
	title = {Populism, {Ethnic} {Nationalism} and {Xenophobia}},
	volume = {37},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1108-3697},
	url = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/sas/article/view/14712},
	doi = {10.12681/sas.14712},
	abstract = {In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.},
	number = {0},
	urldate = {2018-09-16},
	journal = {Science and Society, Review of Political and Moral Theory.},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis and Demertzis, Nicolas},
	month = may,
	year = {2018},
	note = {Publisher: National Documentation Centre},
	keywords = {CSES, Greece, Nationalism, Populism, national election studies},
	pages = {11--40},
}

In this paper, we study a set of new indices, which are based on the answers of citizens to certain batteries of items included in a CSES module 5 pilot study conducted in Greece after the parliamentary election of September 2015. The first index is used to capture attitudes of citizens towards the political elites and is related to the increasing number of recent publications focusing on the study of populist attitudes. Likewise, the second index is based on items related to a demand for more power to the poor people. Another index developed here is built to measure attitudes towards out-groups. The use of this index is motivated by the increasing power of radical right-wing anti-immigrant parties, especially in Europe and due, to a certain extent, to the recent immigrant crisis. In addition to the aforementioned indices, we also identify the characteristics respondents think to be the most important for someone to be considered as a "Real Greek", i.e. we present what are the most important lines that according to Greek citizens separate the in-group from the out-groups.

@misc{Andreadisa,
	title = {Weighted {Mokken} {Scale} {Analysis} in {R}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://zenodo.org/record/557086},
	urldate = {2017-04-24},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2017},
	doi = {10.5281/ZENODO.557086},
	keywords = {MSA, Mokken Scale Analysis, Weights},
}

@book{Freire2016,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Times} of {Bailout}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-1-315-67526-8},
	url = {https://www.taylorfrancis.com/books/9781315675268},
	urldate = {2019-05-07},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	editor = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite, José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2017},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315675268},
}

@article{Andreadis2017a,
	title = {European {Populist} {Parties} in {Government}: {How} {Well} are {Voters} {Represented}? {Evidence} from {Greece}},
	volume = {23},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {14247755},
	url = {http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/spsr.12255},
	doi = {10.1111/spsr.12255},
	abstract = {© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-06-07},
	journal = {Swiss Political Science Review},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Stavrakakis, Yannis},
	month = jun,
	year = {2017},
	keywords = {Congruence, Greece, Populism, Representation, Voting behavior},
	pages = {485--508},
}

© 2017 Swiss Political Science Association. In this paper we focus on the two populist parties, one radical left and one radical right, that have formed a coalition government after the January 2015 elections in Greece: SYRIZA and Independent Greeks (ANEL). Using data from the Greek Candidate Study 2015 and the Greek Voter Study 2015 we study the congruence between party voters and party elites for these two parties, also comparing them with mainstream, non-populist parties. Employing a slightly modified ?many to many' approach, we measure congruence on a variety of issues (economic policy, austerity, Euroscepticism, immigration, law and order) and ideological divides (left/right, populism/anti-populism) in order to assess the factors explaining the paradoxical resilience of Greek populism in power. The evidence generated can help us account for the trajectory of political antagonism in the Greek context throughout 2015 and in drawing some broader conclusions and challenges for future populism research.

@article{Stavrakakis2017,
	title = {A new populism index at work: identifying populist candidates and parties in the contemporary {Greek} context},
	volume = {18},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {2374-5118},
	url = {https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	doi = {10.1080/23745118.2016.1261434},
	abstract = {ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2018-01-16},
	journal = {European Politics and Society},
	author = {Stavrakakis, Yannis and Andreadis, Ioannis and Katsambekis, Giorgos},
	month = nov,
	year = {2017},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Candidates, Greece, discourse, populism, surveys},
	pages = {446--464},
}

ABSTRACTInterrogating available indexes from a discourse-theoretical point of view, this paper utilizes a reformulated populism index in order to identify populist parties. In particular, the index is applied in a candidate survey carried out in Greece in 2015. Findings indicate that this index allows for a clear differentiation between populist and non-populist parties. Based on candidate attitudes, SYRIZA and ANEL belong to the first group whereas New Democracy, PASOK and River to the second. The examination of additional survey items reveals a clear ideological division within the populist camp: right-wing populism is exclusionary, while left-wing populism more inclusive and pluralist.

@techreport{Andreadis2016a,
	address = {Ann Arbor, MI},
	title = {The {Greek} {Candidate} {Study} 2015},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {https://doi.org/10.3886/E100074V22-22969},
	institution = {Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Re-search},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2016},
	doi = {https://doi.org/10.3886/E100074V22-22969},
}

@incollection{Papathanassopoulos2017,
	title = {Greece: {Populism} {Between} {Left} and {Right}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-1-315-62301-6},
	booktitle = {Populist political communication in {Europe}},
	publisher = {Routledge},
	author = {Papathanassopoulos, S. and Giannouli, I. and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	editor = {Aalberg, T. and Esser, F. and Reinemann, C. and Stromback, J. and De Vreese, C.},
	year = {2016},
	doi = {10.4324/9781315623016},
	pages = {195--206},
}

@incollection{Andreadis2015h,
	address = {London},
	title = {Comparison of {Response} {Times} between {Desktop} and {Smartphone} {Users}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	url = {http://www.ubiquitypress.com/site/chapters/10.5334/bar.e/},
	abstract = {Item Response Times - Web surveys},
	urldate = {2017-04-20},
	booktitle = {Mobile {Research} {Methods}: {Opportunities} and challenges of mobile research methodologies},
	publisher = {Ubiquity Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	editor = {Toninelli, Daniele and Pinter, Robert and de Pedraza, Pablo},
	month = sep,
	year = {2015},
	doi = {10.5334/bar.e},
	pages = {63--79},
}

Item Response Times - Web surveys

@article{Andreadis2015c,
	title = {Web surveys optimized for smartphones: {Are} there differences between computer and smartphone users?},
	volume = {9},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {2190-4936},
	url = {http://mda.gesis.org/index.php/mda/article/view/2015.012},
	doi = {10.12758/mda.2015.012},
	abstract = {This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.},
	number = {2},
	urldate = {2017-06-23},
	journal = {Methods, Data, Analysis},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	month = dec,
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {AJAX navigation, data quality, item response times, mobile surveys, smartphones, web surveys},
	pages = {213--228},
}

This paper shows that computer users and smartphone users taking part in a web survey optimized for smartphones give responses of almost the same quality.

@techreport{Andreadis2015,
	title = {Innovation, an answer to lack of funding: {The} 2015 {Hellenic} {National} {Election} {Voter} {Study}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	institution = {Greek Politics Specialist Group},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Kartsounidou, Evangelia and Chatzimallis, Ch.},
	year = {2015},
	keywords = {Austerity, Innovation, Mixed, National election studies, Political Science, mode surveys},
}

@incollection{Andreadis2014a,
	address = {Colchester},
	title = {The impact of voting advice applications on vote choice},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {Matching {Voters} with {Parties} and {Candidates}. {Voting} {Advice} {Applications} in {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	publisher = {ECPR},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Wall, Mathew},
	editor = {Garzia, Diego and Marschall, Stefan},
	year = {2014},
	pages = {115--128},
}

@incollection{Andreadis2014,
	title = {Data {Quality} and {Data} {Cleaning}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-1-907301-73-5},
	urldate = {2017-06-10},
	booktitle = {Matching {Voters} with {Parties} and {Candidates}. {Voting} {Advice} {Applications} in {Comparative} {Perspective}},
	publisher = {ECPR Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	editor = {Garzia, Diego and Marschall, Stefan},
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {VAA},
	pages = {79--91},
}

@article{Freire2014a,
	title = {Political {Representation} in {Bailed}-out {Southern} {Europe}: {Greece} and {Portugal} {Compared}},
	volume = {19},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.984381},
	abstract = {The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Freire, André and Lisi, Marco and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {413--433},
}

The emergence of the economic and financial crisis has already shown important electoral and political consequences in southern Europe. Drawing on the experience of two bailed-out countries, Greece and Portugal, we use original data collected before and after 2008 to examine how patterns of political representation have changed during this period. We argue that austerity measures have significantly affected the way MPs represent their electorates, namely in terms of policy congruence. In addition, the economic crisis has also deepened the legitimacy crisis in both countries. Finally, we find that the short-term impact of the crisis has had a greater impact on voters' attitudes than on those of their representatives.

@article{Teperoglou2014,
	title = {Elites' and {Voters}' {Attitudes} towards {Austerity} {Policies} and their {Consequences} in {Greece} and {Portugal}},
	volume = {19},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1360-8746},
	url = {http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	doi = {10.1080/13608746.2014.983306},
	abstract = {© 2014 Taylor \& Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.},
	number = {4},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	journal = {South European Society and Politics},
	author = {Teperoglou, Eftichia and Freire, André and Andreadis, Ioannis and Leite Viegas, J.M. José Manuel},
	month = oct,
	year = {2014},
	keywords = {Austerity Policies, Bailouts, Economic Crisis, Greece, Political Representation, Portugal},
	pages = {457--476},
}

© 2014 Taylor & Francis. This article analyses the attitudes of the political elite and voters in Greece and Portugal vis-à-vis the Troika bailouts, austerity policies and the attribution of responsibilities for the crisis. Using both elite and mass surveys with similar questions, the article explores to what extent the elites and voters share similar attitudes, what might explain possible differences between these two groups and between the two countries and what this information can tell us about the quality of political representation in Greece and Portugal. The differences between the countries are explained mainly by the severity of the crisis and austerity policies in each country, but also by the diversity of political conditions.

@inproceedings{Andreadis:2013:VAA:2490257.2490263,
	address = {New York, New York, USA},
	title = {Voting advice applications},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	isbn = {978-1-4503-1851-8},
	doi = {10.1145/2490257.2490263},
	abstract = {Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.},
	urldate = {2017-03-17},
	booktitle = {Proceedings of the 6th {Balkan} {Conference} in {Informatics} on - {BCI} '13},
	publisher = {ACM Press},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2013},
	note = {Series Title: ACM International Conference Proceeding Series},
	keywords = {AJAX, Civic education, Elections, JQuery mobile, Voting advice applications, ajax, civic education, elections, jQuery mobile, jquery mobile, voting advice applications},
	pages = {251},
}

Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are web applications that enable voters to compare their political views with the positions of the political parties. VAAs have been used successfully in many West European countries for more than a decade, but most of the Balkan countries do not have an established VAA. The aim of this paper is to promote the use of VAAs by showing that these applications - if they are built on high academic standards - can become useful tools for all stakeholders: i) voters who become more knowledgeable about the positions of the parties and they can make better vote choices, ii) political parties that have the opportunity to make their views known to a part of the electorate that is not fully covered by traditional communications channels, and iii) VAA researchers who are able to gather a huge amount of data that can be used to study voters' electoral behavior. Copyright 2013 ACM.

@inproceedings{Andreadis2012c,
	address = {Madrid},
	title = {To clean or not to clean? {Improving} the quality of {VAA} data},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	urldate = {2017-06-10},
	booktitle = {{XXII} {World} {Congress} of {Political} {Science} ({IPSA})},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2012},
}

@article{__2011,
	title = {Η δομή του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα : χαρτογράφηση των προτιμήσεων πολιτικής κομμάτων και ψηφοφόρων},
	volume = {38},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1105-8366},
	url = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/hpsa/article/download/14524/13124},
	doi = {10.12681/hpsa.14524},
	abstract = {Το αντικείμενο της μελέτης συνοψίζεται σε μια ενδελεχή σκιαγράφηση του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα, με κεντρικό ερευνητικό ερώτημα τη διερεήνηση των ιδεολογικών προτιμήσεων και προτεραιοτήτων των πολιτικών κομμάτων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία. Συμπληρωματικά μελετώνται οι ιδεολογικές προτιμήσεις και του εκλογικού σώματος για το 2009. Η εμπειρική μελέτη βασίζεται στην αξιοποίηση της βάσης δεδομένων του Euromanifestos Project και του PIREDEU και της έρευνας του European Election Study 2009. Η ανάλυση των δεδομένων των ευρωπαϊκών μανιφέστων στοχεύει στην απεικόνιση σε κοινό δισδιάστατο χώρο των σχετικών αποστάσεων (ή της σχετικής εγγύτητας) μεταξύ συγκεκριμένων ιδεολογικών θεματικών κατηγοριών και πολιτικών κομμάτων. Αντίστοιχα, μέσω της ανάλυσης της έρευνας του εκλογικού σώματος αναδεικνύεται η δομή της «πολιτικής ζήτησης» του ελληνικού πολιτικού συστήματος.},
	urldate = {2020-03-13},
	journal = {Ελληνική Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής Επιστήμης},
	author = {Ανδρεάδης, Γιάννης and Τεπέρογλου, Ευτυχία and Τσατσάνης, Μάνος},
	month = oct,
	year = {2011},
	note = {Publisher: National Documentation Centre},
	keywords = {Ελλάς, κόμματα, πολιτικές ιδεολογίες},
	pages = {5},
}

Το αντικείμενο της μελέτης συνοψίζεται σε μια ενδελεχή σκιαγράφηση του ιδεολογικού χώρου στην Ελλάδα, με κεντρικό ερευνητικό ερώτημα τη διερεήνηση των ιδεολογικών προτιμήσεων και προτεραιοτήτων των πολιτικών κομμάτων κατά την τελευταία δεκαετία. Συμπληρωματικά μελετώνται οι ιδεολογικές προτιμήσεις και του εκλογικού σώματος για το 2009. Η εμπειρική μελέτη βασίζεται στην αξιοποίηση της βάσης δεδομένων του Euromanifestos Project και του PIREDEU και της έρευνας του European Election Study 2009. Η ανάλυση των δεδομένων των ευρωπαϊκών μανιφέστων στοχεύει στην απεικόνιση σε κοινό δισδιάστατο χώρο των σχετικών αποστάσεων (ή της σχετικής εγγύτητας) μεταξύ συγκεκριμένων ιδεολογικών θεματικών κατηγοριών και πολιτικών κομμάτων. Αντίστοιχα, μέσω της ανάλυσης της έρευνας του εκλογικού σώματος αναδεικνύεται η δομή της «πολιτικής ζήτησης» του ελληνικού πολιτικού συστήματος.

@inproceedings{2010,
	address = {Αθήνα},
	title = {Διαδικτυακές Πολιτικές Έρευνες},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	abstract = {The development of Internet technological tools offers the opportunity to conduct rapid and cost-effective, social and political web-based surveys. The response rate observed in web surveys is comparable to the response rates observed in studies using other methods of data collection. Any problems arising in web surveys concerning the representativeness of the sample can be addressed by weighting and matching techniques. This paper is an attempt to present findings of the "Comparative Candidate Survey" project conducted in Greece in 2009 exclusively through the Internet. This paper also includes data supporting the hypothesis that the web-based survey findings do not differ significantly from the findings of surveys conducted through telephone interviews.},
	booktitle = {Πρακτικά 23ου Πανελληνίου Συνεδρίου Στατιστικής},
	author = {Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	editor = {{Ελληνικό Στατιστικό Ινστιτούτο}},
	year = {2010},
	pages = {44--51},
}

The development of Internet technological tools offers the opportunity to conduct rapid and cost-effective, social and political web-based surveys. The response rate observed in web surveys is comparable to the response rates observed in studies using other methods of data collection. Any problems arising in web surveys concerning the representativeness of the sample can be addressed by weighting and matching techniques. This paper is an attempt to present findings of the "Comparative Candidate Survey" project conducted in Greece in 2009 exclusively through the Internet. This paper also includes data supporting the hypothesis that the web-based survey findings do not differ significantly from the findings of surveys conducted through telephone interviews.

@article{__2010,
	title = {Μελέτη διαιρετικών τομών εκλογέων και υποψηφίων στο εθνικό και ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο: Συγκλίσεις και αποκλίσεις},
	volume = {25},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1108-3697},
	url = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/sas/article/view/788},
	doi = {10.12681/sas.788},
	abstract = {Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να εξετάσει τις διαιρετικές τομές τοο θεωρητικού υποδείγματος των Lipset \& Rokkan όσο και δύο άλλου τόπου διαιρέσεις που συγκροτούνται από τις τοποθετήσεις στον άξονα Αριστερά-Δεξιά (‘εθνικό δίπολο’) και στον αντίστοιχο του ευρωπαϊκού και αντιευρωπαϊκοό προσανατολισμού (ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο’). Η μελέτη εστιάζει στην Ελλάδα. με επίκεντρο τις εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις της περιόδου 2004 έως και 2007. Αρχικώς, αναλύεται το θεωρητικό υπόδειγμα των Lipset \& Rokkan, καθώς και η συμβολή των νεότερων προσεγγίσεων. Στη συνέχεια, εξετάζονται οι ανωτέρω διαιρετικές τομές τόσο στους υποψήφιους βουλευτές της ΝΔ και του ΠΑΣΟΚ των βουλευτικών εκλογών του 2007, όσο και στο αντίστοιχο εκλογικό τους οώμα. Συμπληρωματικά, παρουσιάζονται και αποτελέσματα από τους ψηφοφόρους των μικρότερων κομμάτων. Τόσο ο εθνικός άξονας της αντίθεσης ‘Αριστερά-Δεξιά’, όσο και ο αντίστοιχος ευρωπαϊκός αποτυπώνουν ένα ενδιαφέρον πλαίσιο διαμόρφωσης πολιτικών αντιπαραθέσεων σε επίπεδο υποψηφίων και εκλογέων. Σημαντική διαιρετική τομή αναφύεται και από τη διερεόνηση της συχνότητας εκκλησιασμού. Η παρούσα 'διευρυμένη' προσέγγιση των διαιρετικών τομών πλαισιώνεται από πλούσιο ερευνητικό υλικό. Στην περίπτωση των υποψηφίων στηρίζεται στην επεξεργασία των δεδομένων της έρευνας υποψηφίων στο πλαίσιο του διεθνούς ερευνητικού προγράμματος Comparative Candidate Survey, ενώ στην περίπτωση των εκλογέων η ανάλυση στηρίζεται σε ποικίλες προεκλογικές και μετεκλογικές έρευνες. *},
	urldate = {2020-03-12},
	journal = {Επιστήμη και Κοινωνία: Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής και Ηθικής Θεωρίας},
	author = {Τεπέρογλου, Ευτυχία and Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	month = aug,
	year = {2010},
	note = {Publisher: National Documentation Centre},
	pages = {37--63},
}

Το άρθρο επιχειρεί να εξετάσει τις διαιρετικές τομές τοο θεωρητικού υποδείγματος των Lipset & Rokkan όσο και δύο άλλου τόπου διαιρέσεις που συγκροτούνται από τις τοποθετήσεις στον άξονα Αριστερά-Δεξιά (‘εθνικό δίπολο’) και στον αντίστοιχο του ευρωπαϊκού και αντιευρωπαϊκοό προσανατολισμού (ευρωπαϊκό δίπολο’). Η μελέτη εστιάζει στην Ελλάδα. με επίκεντρο τις εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις της περιόδου 2004 έως και 2007. Αρχικώς, αναλύεται το θεωρητικό υπόδειγμα των Lipset & Rokkan, καθώς και η συμβολή των νεότερων προσεγγίσεων. Στη συνέχεια, εξετάζονται οι ανωτέρω διαιρετικές τομές τόσο στους υποψήφιους βουλευτές της ΝΔ και του ΠΑΣΟΚ των βουλευτικών εκλογών του 2007, όσο και στο αντίστοιχο εκλογικό τους οώμα. Συμπληρωματικά, παρουσιάζονται και αποτελέσματα από τους ψηφοφόρους των μικρότερων κομμάτων. Τόσο ο εθνικός άξονας της αντίθεσης ‘Αριστερά-Δεξιά’, όσο και ο αντίστοιχος ευρωπαϊκός αποτυπώνουν ένα ενδιαφέρον πλαίσιο διαμόρφωσης πολιτικών αντιπαραθέσεων σε επίπεδο υποψηφίων και εκλογέων. Σημαντική διαιρετική τομή αναφύεται και από τη διερεόνηση της συχνότητας εκκλησιασμού. Η παρούσα 'διευρυμένη' προσέγγιση των διαιρετικών τομών πλαισιώνεται από πλούσιο ερευνητικό υλικό. Στην περίπτωση των υποψηφίων στηρίζεται στην επεξεργασία των δεδομένων της έρευνας υποψηφίων στο πλαίσιο του διεθνούς ερευνητικού προγράμματος Comparative Candidate Survey, ενώ στην περίπτωση των εκλογέων η ανάλυση στηρίζεται σε ποικίλες προεκλογικές και μετεκλογικές έρευνες. *

@article{Andreadis2009b,
	title = {A {Method} for the {Estimation} of {Voter} {Transition} {Rates}},
	volume = {19},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {1745-7289},
	url = {http://www.informaworld.com/10.1080/17457280902799089},
	doi = {10.1080/17457280902799089},
	abstract = {Recent advances in the field of ecological inference have provided researchers with new tools to estimate voter transition rates in two-party systems, based on contingency tables. Although some researchers have moved from the 2×2 case to the broader R×C ecological inference problem, voter transition estimation remains a difficult and tedious goal. As a result, scholars of multiparty systems still struggle with their data. In this paper we follow a new approach and we propose a new method that deals with this issue. Using two data sets, one from the French presidential elections in 2007 (first and second round) and one from the Greek parliamentary elections (2004 and 2007), we demonstrate that the proposed method provides good estimates of voter transition rates.},
	number = {2},
	journal = {Journal of Elections, Public Opinion \& Parties},
	author = {Andreadis, Ioannis and Chadjipadelis, Theodore},
	year = {2009},
	note = {Publisher: Routledge},
	pages = {203--218},
}

Recent advances in the field of ecological inference have provided researchers with new tools to estimate voter transition rates in two-party systems, based on contingency tables. Although some researchers have moved from the 2×2 case to the broader R×C ecological inference problem, voter transition estimation remains a difficult and tedious goal. As a result, scholars of multiparty systems still struggle with their data. In this paper we follow a new approach and we propose a new method that deals with this issue. Using two data sets, one from the French presidential elections in 2007 (first and second round) and one from the Greek parliamentary elections (2004 and 2007), we demonstrate that the proposed method provides good estimates of voter transition rates.

@article{__2007,
	title = {Κόμματα, Πρόσωπα, Θέματα: Ανάλυση των δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας. Απρίλιος 2005},
	volume = {7},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	abstract = {[Parties, Candidates, Issues: Data analysis of the April 2005 survey sample] Data Analysis Bulletin 7 (2007) 171-184. Παρουσιάζεται ανάλυση δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας και διερευνάται η θέση των πολιτών της Θεσσαλονίκης απέναντι στα κόμματα, σε πολιτικά πρόσωπα και πολιτικά θέματα της επικαιρότητας του Απριλίου 2005.},
	journal = {Τετράδια Ανάλυσης Δεδομένων},
	author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	year = {2007},
	pages = {171--184},
}

[Parties, Candidates, Issues: Data analysis of the April 2005 survey sample] Data Analysis Bulletin 7 (2007) 171-184. Παρουσιάζεται ανάλυση δεδομένων δειγματοληπτικής έρευνας και διερευνάται η θέση των πολιτών της Θεσσαλονίκης απέναντι στα κόμματα, σε πολιτικά πρόσωπα και πολιτικά θέματα της επικαιρότητας του Απριλίου 2005.

@article{__2007-1,
	title = {Οι μετακινήσεις των ψηφοφόρων προς την Ένωση Κέντρου στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1963 και του 1964},
	volume = {29},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	issn = {2585-3031},
	url = {https://ejournals.epublishing.ekt.gr/index.php/hpsa/article/view/14649},
	doi = {10.12681/hpsa.14649},
	abstract = {Στόχος της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η ανάλυση των μετακινήσεων των ψηφοφόρων προς την Ένωση Κέντρου που οδήγησαν, από τη συντριβή των κεντρώων δυνάμεων στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1958, στο θρίαμβό της στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1964. Δεδομένης της ανυπαρξίας δημοσκοπήσεων, οι αναζητούμενες εκτιμήσεις μπορούν να αντληθούν από τα ίδια τα αποτελέσματα των βουλευτικών εκλογών με τη συνδρομή τεχνικών «οικολογικής ανάλυσης», δηλαδή τεχνικών που αποσκοπούν στην ανασύνθεση της ατομικής συμπεριφοράς από ομαδοποιημένα δεδομένα. Οι δραμτικές εξελίξεις στο ερευνητικό πεδίο της οικολογικής ανάλυσης την τελευταία δεκαετία δίνουν τη δυνατότητα αξιόπιστων εκτιμήσεων και συμπερασμάτων. Με τα διαθέσιμα εργαλεία και χρησιμοποιώντας τα αποτελέσματα των εκλογών οι σύγχρονοι ερευνητές έχουν τη δυνατότητα να εκτιμήσουν τις μετακινήσεις των ψηφοφόρων τόσο σε εθνικό επίπεδο όσο και σε επίπεδο εκλογικών περιφερειών. Από την ανάλυση προκύπτει ότι η Ένωση Κέντρου κατόρθωσε σε δύο συνεχόμενες εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις να διεμβολίσει το κυρίαρχο δίπολο ΕΡΕ-ΕΔΑ που είχε προκόψει μετά τις εκλογές του 1958. Στις εκλογές του 1963 μόνο έξι στους δέκα ψηφοφόρους της Ε.Κ. προερχόταν από τον ευρύτερο κεντρώο χώρο. Τα αποτελέσματα του 1964 καταδεικνύουν ότι η Ε.Κ., όχι μόνο κατόρθωσε να συγκροτήσει τα κέρδη που απέκτησε το 1963, αλλά διεύρυνε επιπλέον τη ν επιρροή της στους χώρους των αντίπαλων παρατάξεων.},
	number = {1},
	urldate = {2020-03-12},
	journal = {Ελληνική Επιθεώρηση Πολιτικής Επιστήμης},
	author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Γιάννης},
	month = oct,
	year = {2007},
	note = {Publisher: National Documentation Centre},
	pages = {90--111},
}

Στόχος της παρούσας μελέτης είναι η ανάλυση των μετακινήσεων των ψηφοφόρων προς την Ένωση Κέντρου που οδήγησαν, από τη συντριβή των κεντρώων δυνάμεων στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1958, στο θρίαμβό της στις βουλευτικές εκλογές του 1964. Δεδομένης της ανυπαρξίας δημοσκοπήσεων, οι αναζητούμενες εκτιμήσεις μπορούν να αντληθούν από τα ίδια τα αποτελέσματα των βουλευτικών εκλογών με τη συνδρομή τεχνικών «οικολογικής ανάλυσης», δηλαδή τεχνικών που αποσκοπούν στην ανασύνθεση της ατομικής συμπεριφοράς από ομαδοποιημένα δεδομένα. Οι δραμτικές εξελίξεις στο ερευνητικό πεδίο της οικολογικής ανάλυσης την τελευταία δεκαετία δίνουν τη δυνατότητα αξιόπιστων εκτιμήσεων και συμπερασμάτων. Με τα διαθέσιμα εργαλεία και χρησιμοποιώντας τα αποτελέσματα των εκλογών οι σύγχρονοι ερευνητές έχουν τη δυνατότητα να εκτιμήσουν τις μετακινήσεις των ψηφοφόρων τόσο σε εθνικό επίπεδο όσο και σε επίπεδο εκλογικών περιφερειών. Από την ανάλυση προκύπτει ότι η Ένωση Κέντρου κατόρθωσε σε δύο συνεχόμενες εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις να διεμβολίσει το κυρίαρχο δίπολο ΕΡΕ-ΕΔΑ που είχε προκόψει μετά τις εκλογές του 1958. Στις εκλογές του 1963 μόνο έξι στους δέκα ψηφοφόρους της Ε.Κ. προερχόταν από τον ευρύτερο κεντρώο χώρο. Τα αποτελέσματα του 1964 καταδεικνύουν ότι η Ε.Κ., όχι μόνο κατόρθωσε να συγκροτήσει τα κέρδη που απέκτησε το 1963, αλλά διεύρυνε επιπλέον τη ν επιρροή της στους χώρους των αντίπαλων παρατάξεων.

@inproceedings{Chadjipadelis2007a,
	address = {Bath, UK},
	title = {Analysis of the {Cyprus} {Referendum} on the {Annan} {Plan}},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {57th {Political} {Studies} {Association} {Annual} {Conference} ‘{Europe} and {Global} {Politics}’},
	author = {Chadjipadelis, Theodore and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2007},
}

@inproceedings{Chadjipadelis2006,
	address = {Salvador (Bahia), Brazil},
	title = {Use of projects for teaching social statistics: case study},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {7th {International} {Conference} on {Teaching} {Statistics} ({ICOTS}-7) “{Working} {Cooperatively} in {Statistics} {Education}”},
	author = {Chadjipadelis, Theodore and Andreadis, Ioannis},
	year = {2006},
}

@article{2005,
	title = {Αποχή στις Βουλευτικές Εκλογές και στις Ευρωεκλογές 2004},
	volume = {1},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	journal = {Πολιτική Επιστήμη},
	author = {Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	year = {2005},
	pages = {76--88},
}

@book{2005b,
	address = {Θεσσαλονίκη},
	title = {Μαθηματικά στις Πολιτικές Επιστήμες},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	publisher = {Εκδόσεις Ζήτη},
	author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	year = {2005},
}

@incollection{2004,
	title = {Η ανάλυση των εκλογικών αποτελεσμάτων. Η περίπτωση του Λαϊκού Ορθόδοξου Συναγερμού. Το προφίλ των ψηφοφόρων του Λ.Α.ΟΣ.},
	volume = {A},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	booktitle = {Τριάντα χρόνια δημοκρατία: Το πολιτικό σύστημα της τρίτης Ελληνικής Δημοκρατίας},
	publisher = {ΚΡΙΤΙΚΗ},
	author = {Χατζηπαντελής, Θεόδωρος and Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης},
	editor = {Βερναρδάκης, Χ and Γεωργαντάς, Η and Γράβαρης, Δ and Κοτρόγιαννος, Δ},
	year = {2004},
	pages = {176--195},
}

@article{__2001,
	title = {Στατιστικές μέθοδοι σε δικτυωτά για τον χρονικό προγραμματισμό έργων},
	copyright = {All rights reserved},
	urldate = {2020-03-16},
	author = {Ανδρεάδης, Ιωάννης and {Ιωάννης}},
	year = {2001},
	note = {Publisher: Αριστοτέλειο Πανεπιστήμιο Θεσσαλονίκης (ΑΠΘ). Σχολή Θετικών Επιστημών. Τμήμα Μαθηματικών. Τομέας Στατιστικής και Επιχειρησιακής Έρευνας},
	keywords = {CPM, Doctoral Dissertation, PERT, Project management, Simulations, Statistical distributions, Διαχείριση έργων, Διδακτορική Διατριβή, Προσομοιώσεις, Στατιστικές κατανομές},
}